Harriet
Mayor Fulbright
Old Myths and New Realities
It
is always a pleasure to come before the year's senior Fulbright
scholars. If ever I needed proof of why the Fulbright Program
in international education exchange was the legacy that gave
my husband the greatest satisfaction and pride, all I have
to do is to remember its beneficiaries, the scholars themselves,
and read of the extraordinary work they perform. My congratulations
to all of you.
When
I saw the subject of your week here, I immediately turned
to the book by Senator Fulbright called "Old Myths
and New Realities." It was based on a speech he delivered
in the Senate in 1964, before an almost empty Senate, and
it put forth his views on United States foreign policy,
both as it was and as it should have been, during that time.
He also described the fundamentals of foreign policy, or
the basic premises to be considered in the conduct of business
with other nations. These guidelines are so relevant to
the many situations we find ourselves in today that we would
do well to use them to measure our present actions and strategies,
and so without further introduction, I will outline them
for you now. These are by and large his words.
"There
is an inevitable divergence, attributable to the imperfections
of the human mind, between the world as it is and the world
as men perceive it. As long as our perceptions are reasonably
close to objective reality, it is possible for us to act
upon our problems in a rational and appropriate manner.
But when our perceptions fail to keep pace with events,
when we refuse to believe something because it displeases
or frightens us, or is simply startlingly unfamiliar, then
the gap between fact and perceptions becomes a chasm, and
action becomes irrelevant and irrational.
"There
has always been some divergence between the realities of
foreign policy and our ideas about it. This divergence is
dangerous and unnecessary - dangerous because it can reduce
foreign policy to a fraudulent game of imagery and appearances,
unnecessary because it can be overcome by the determination
of men in high office to dispel prevailing misconceptions
through the candid dissemination of unpleasant but inescapable
facts.
"We
are a people used to looking at the world and indeed at
ourselves, in moralistic rather than empirical terms. We
are predisposed to regard any conflict as a clash between
good and evil rather than as simply a clash between conflicting
interests. We are inclined to confuse freedom and democracy,
which we regard as moral principles, with the way in which
they are practiced in America - with capitalism, federalism,
and the two-party system, which are not moral principles
but simply the preferred and accepted practices of the American
people.
"I
believe that we must try to overcome this excessive moralism,
which binds us to old myths and blinds us to new realities
and, worse still, leads us to regard new and unfamiliar
ideas with fear and mistrust
." Rather "We
must dare to think 'unthinkable thoughts.' We must learn
to explore all of the options and possibilities that confront
us in a complex and rapidly changing world. We must learn
to welcome rather than fear the voices of dissent. We must
dare to think about 'unthinkable things,' because when things
become 'unthinkable,' thinking stops and actions becomes
mindless. If we are to disabuse ourselves of old myths,
and to act wisely and creatively upon the new realities
of our time, we must think and talk about our problems with
perfect freedom, remembering, as Woodrow Wilson said, that
'The greatest freedom of speech is the greatest safety because,
is a man is a fool, the best thing to do is to encourage
him to advertise the fact by speaking.'
"A
nation's security depends upon its overall position in the
world - on its political and economic strength as well as
its military power, on its diplomacy and foreign trade,
its alliances and associations, and on the character and
quality of its internal life. . . Security, in short, is
not merely a military and technological commodity, but a
combination of many elements, all of which must be taken
into account in the shaping of national policy. The uncritical
acceptance of a simple equation between security and armaments
can only lead us into an accelerating arms race, mounting
international tensions, and diminishing security.
"In
our quest for world peace the alteration of attitudes is
no less important, perhaps more important, than the resolution
of issues. It is in the minds of men, after all, that wars
are spawned; to act upon the human mind, regardless of the
issue or occasion for doing so, is to act upon the source
of conflict and the potential source of redemption and reconciliation.
It would seem, therefore, that there may be important new
things to be learned about international relations through
the scholarship of psychologists and psychiatrists.
"Extreme
nationalism and dogmatic ideology are luxuries that the
human race can no longer afford. It must turn its energies
now to the politics of survival. If we do so, we may find
in time that we can do better than just survive. We may
find that the simple human preference for life and peace
has an inspirational force of its own, less intoxicating
perhaps than the sacred abstractions of nation and ideology,
but far more relevant to the requirements of human life
and human happiness.
In
fact "Of all the myths that have troubled the lives
of modern nations, the most pervading have been those associated
with the nation itself. Nationalism, which is pre-eminently
a state of mind rather than a state of nature, has become
a dominant and universal state of mind in the twentieth
century. Designating the sovereign nation-state as the ultimate
object of individual loyalty and obligation, the idea of
nationalism prevails in every region of the world, in rich
nations as well as poor nations, in democracies as well
as dictatorships. Nationalism, I believe, is the most powerful
single force in [contemporary] world politics, more powerful
than communism or democracy or any other system of ideas
about social organization.
"It
is also the most dangerous. Dividing communities against
one another, it has become a universal force at precisely
the time in history when technology has made the world a
single unit in the physical sense - interdependent for economic,
political, and cultural purposes and profoundly interdependent
for survival in the nuclear age.
"We
must generate expectancies of peace as powerful and self-generating
as the expectancy of war. We must learn to deal with our
adversaries in terms of the needs and hopes of both sides
rather than the demands of one side upon the other. We must
remove stridency and bad manners from our diplomacy, because
the language of the ultimatum is the language of conflict,
because there is no way more certain to turn tension into
open conflict than to strike at an adversary's pride and
self-respect.
"It
is the nation, or more exactly the pervading force of nationalism,
that now obstructs our progress in both of these directions.
Posing barriers between communities and exacting heavy sacrifices
from its citizens to pursue the quarrels which these barriers
engender, the sovereign nation in itself is the most pervasive
of the old myths that blind us to the realities of our time.
Only when we have broken out of the constraints of nationalist
mythology will the way be open to the only possible security
in the nuclear age - the security of an international community
in which [human beings] will be free of the terror of the
bomb and free at last to pursue the satisfactions of personal
fulfillment in civilized societies. We must broaden the
frontiers of our loyalties, never forgetting as we do so
that it is the human individual, and not the state or any
other community, in whom ultimate sovereignty is vested."
These
thoughts are not only the guidelines Senator Fulbright used
to forge foreign policy; they are also what propelled him
to establish the program that brought you here this year,
as it has brought a quarter of a million others both to
this country and from here to over 140 countries around
the world. Thanks to you and all those others, it has succeeded
beyond his wildest hopes and dreams. Fulbright scholars
have over the years formed a network across national boundaries
and scholarly disciplines; they have reached out as human
beings in collaborative enterprises, scholarly research,
conferences and just plain wide-ranging conversations. They
have connected with other human beings of very different
cultures and backgrounds and have found the experience enriching,
exhilarating and beneficial to a far wider circle, thanks
to the ripple effect of human interaction.
I can
only offer heartfelt thanks to you for your part in this
amazing process and urge you on for the rest of your lives.

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